I’m convinced that leaders of the Greater Serbia movement could not imagine better social and political situation in Montenegro after the 2006 referendum: key positions in the government are decided in a monastery, laws are aligned with criminal needs of an unregistered church organization, there are continuous threats that certain media will be shut down, fascism is being promoted, there are manipulations over the tradition, the libertarian and anti-fascist past is being denied, and all this shown in a service-oriented Vijesti, which once used to be sovereign, Prof. Dr Adnan Čirgić, the dean of the Faculty for the Montenegrin Language and Literature, says in an interview with the daily Dnevne Novine.
Mr Čirgić stresses that the pro-Montenegrin civic bloc was left in the lurch on the recent parliamentary elections, and that “the deceived voters of the Civic Movement URA” will meet the same destiny.
“Abazović hasn’t predicted that his post-election allies are proven opponents of the existence of civic Montenegro, which one could clearly see in his recent interview with Vijesti. He didn’t foresee to play a role in the formation of a ‘Serbian world’. But, he did foresee that there won’t be place for Dritan Abazović in that world,” Mr Čirgić says.
On the post-election talks regarding the formation of a new government, he states: “Those who remember well the events in Budva a year ago don’t need much time to realize what the post-election combinations will be at the state level. Let’s wait until Metropolitan Amfilohije recovers from the coronavirus, and then we’ll see who’s the boss here. Until then, let us not forget the place where the winner of these parliamentary elections celebrated the victory.”
On the fact that Mr Abazović, once a favorite young leader in Serbia who “ousted Đukanović” now has become “an Albanian Chetnik” and “Shiptar”, Mr Čirgić says: “Guided by pathological motives concerning the current president Đukanović, and undoubtedly towards some others, Dritan ignored the fact that in these parliamentary elections, the majority of citizens showed that they stand behind the idea of a civil, multicultural and secular Montenegro. Instead of helping the affirmation of such Montenegro, Dritan chose the role of a key link in the creation of the planned “Serbian world”.
Instead of forming the government with those who sincerely and honorably contributed to the creation of a civil society, and you cannot say that there are no such people in the pro-Montenegrin bloc, he consciously decided to join the Chetnik dukes and affirmers of terrorism and genocide.”
As for the Serbia’s campaign regarding the forthcoming census, which should, according to the Serbian government, show that Serbs are majority in Montenegro, Mr Čirgić notes: “Now when they’ve convinced us that Đukanović is a dictator, even though he nicely handed over power to the post-election coalition barely made up of hard-to-count political entities with incompatible political programs, they’ll have to convince a good part of Montenegro citizens that they are Serbs. As the recent elections showed that they would not lack money for this purpose, the decision would be up to ‘the easy-to-buy Montenegrins’, as Mr Milenko Perović, the President of the Montenegrin PEN, vividly called them. The census will most certainly be as significant as a new referendum. But one should not forget that the ‘easy-to-buy Montenegrins’ could never ever affect the long-term destiny of Montenegro!”
