Good morning! As the year draws to a close, the Municipality of Budva has adopted a budget that allocates funds for the construction of the Orthodox Church of Saint Mark. DPS voted in favour of the budget, while SDP abstained. Just like in the good old days.
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What makes DPS and SDP better than PES?
Last week, because of my criticism of the authorities in Budva, I was labelled a PES supporter by activists of opposition parties. Tomorrow, when I criticise PES members, they will say I am a paid agent of DPS and Milo Djukanovic, and Vucic’s tabloids will, as always, write that I work for both of them—both for Mickey and for Milo.
Don’t misunderstand me: what I’m talking about is not a symptom of delusions of grandeur. I simply want to show, through my own example, how the mechanisms of party and ideological identification work—mechanisms that can completely confuse people’s rational judgment.
But let’s, for a moment, assume that DPS/SDP bots are right and that I have decided to support PES, just as I once supported them. What’s the problem? In what way is PES worse than the two parties or coalitions currently in power in Budva?
Not only are they not worse, but at times they are even better. Because it wasn’t Milojko who signed the Fundamental Agreement—it was Dritan who signed it, the same Dritan whom DPS and SDP brought to power, while Rasko and Ranko were his ministers.
Milojko, and even the Democrats, did not allow the monument to Pavle Djurisic to remain in Zaostro, whereas under the former authorities, the “church” on Rumija stood there for almost 20 years, and Amfilohije remodelled monasteries and churches as he pleased.
The leader of PES in Niksic used to be in Mandic’s party, that’s true, but between those two “traitorous” engagements, he was a member of SDP.
SDP handled Bato Carevic’s money and finances and was in a coalition with him, while he, during the handover of Joanikije, used bulldozers to break the blockade at the entrance to Cetinje.
Milojko is indeed in a coalition with Mandic—but wouldn’t DPS be as well, by its own admission? Let’s remember the presidential elections, the debate between Djukanovic and Mandic. Let’s remember who brought Pink, Minut-Dva (*A Minute-Two, short news programme), and Informer to Montenegro—and who ran those media outlets.
That’s why they can freely stop tormenting Prince Nikola and pretending to be patriots and true Montenegrins.
Party comrades of Petar Odzic are writing about how bravely, honourably, and uprightly he said “I abstain” during the vote on the Budva budget. One would think he had at least self-immolated at Sun Square (the address of the Municipality of Budva).
It would have been better if he had voted like DPS. Because no one except party comrades took this seriously, and he only damaged relations with his sworn brother Jovanovic, with whom he became sworn brothers alongside Baja Mali Knindza. There is no more Bora and Ramiz from TEMU—rather, a new version is emerging. I’m looking at photos from the Brijeg of Budva, which non-locals also call Richard’s Head—Nikola Jovanovic and Nikola Milovic embracing each other. Petar was not brave and loyal enough and was replaced. Jovanovic allowed flags all over the city for 21 May, CGO exhibitions about the 1990s—for him—but he couldn’t allow €1m for the church of Serbia. Or rather, he went along with it, but without enthusiasm.
SDP turned out to be the most foolish in the deal over power in Budva. It put forward Odzic and itself in a coalition where it has only two councillors and no real power. That’s why Petar and SDP are now taking the hardest blows, while DPS and the Democratic Front faction of Nikola Jovanovic skim the cream.
And they promised so much at the beginning—like drones in front of the Port Authority during takeoff. The drones were allegedly jammed by the service. The government in Budva jammed itself.
That’s all for today and for this week. See you again on Monday.
Kind regards,
Ljubomir Filipovic, CdM analyst and columnist
(Columnists’ opinions and views are not necessarily those of the CdM editorial board)
